Some may even call it a jungle – where the ruling elite flagrantly flout the country’s laws with arrogant impunity.
In fact, is that not why several election observer missions stationed in Zimbabwe during the August 2023 plebiscite characterized the process as violating the Constitution and regional guidelines governing democratic elections?
These findings were made unequivocally clear in the SADC Election Observer Mission (SEOM) final report – which was submitted and accepted by regional heads of state in Luanda (Angola) on 4th November 2023.
For us in Zimbabwe, this phenomenon – of the brazen disregard of the law – have become disturbingly all too familiar, and is now the norm, in a country where the rule of law is frowned upon by those in power.
We have watched, in utter disbelief, as the law has been turned into a weapon to vindictively persecute those perceived to be a threat to the ruling clique?
Is that not the reason opposition activist Job Sikhala is still languishing in prison for nearly one and a half years – after been repeatedly denied his constitutional right to bail, in a case that has all the hallmarks of political motivation?
Various other dissenters have either been arrested or denied bail on spurious charges – with Jacob Ngarivhume jailed for four years, for merely calling for peaceful protests – a right that is guaranteed by section 59 of the Constitution.
The right to bail is enshrined in section 50(1)(d), whose basic principle is found expression in section 70(1)(a) – that any person accused of an offense is presumed innocent until proven guilty.
Further to this, many of these persecuted political prisoners – as that is exactly what they are – are frequently denied access to their legal counsel, again in stark violation of the supreme law of the land, particularly section 69(4).
Having gone through that background that proves a lawless country – let us look at another potential violation of the law.
Ever since Zimbabwe President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa was declared the winner of the August 2023 harmonized elections, talk has been rife of his intention to amend the Constitution.
He is now serving his second and final term.
The plan, ostensibly, is to remove limits which restrict a president to serve only two terms of not more than five years each – specifically section 91(2) and 95 (2)(b).
However, there seemingly has been one huge hurdle standing in his way.
The ruling ZANU PF party failed to garner the two-thirds majority in Parliament that is required to facilitate these amendments.
In the August harmonized elections, the party won 176 of the 280 available seats – whereas the main opposition CCC had 103 – which gave the ruling party only 56.11 percent.
That is why there is huge speculation that the recent recalling of 14 CCC MPs and nine Senators by self-proclaimed interim secretary general, Sengezo Tshabangu, was either sponsored by ZANU PF, or the party merely took full advantage of the infighting within the opposition camp.
This has, nonetheless, triggered a by-election, to be held on 9th December 2023 – which may actually see the recalled legislators returning to parliament.
For how long these parliamentarians will survive in the august house can only be conjecture – since Tshabangu may recall them again, on account of them standing in the by-elections on a CCC ticket.
This is after the High Court, on 4th November 2023, dismissed the affected legislators’ challenging Tshabangu’s authority in instituting these recalls.
The court found that the applicants failed to prove their case that Tshabangu was not a genuine interim secretary general of the CCC.
The question now is: will Mnangagwa, in the meantime, exploit the absence of these legislators to swiftly push through the constitutional amendments required to extend his term of office beyond 2028?
Nonetheless, even if he proceeded with this plan, there is another, even bigger mountain, awaiting him.
This is section 328 (7) of the Constitution.
It states: an amendment to a term-limit provision, the effect of which is to extend the length of time that a person may hold or occupy any public office, does not apply in relation to any person who held or occupied that office, or an equivalent office, at any time before the amendment.
In other words, even if Mnangagwa successfully removed or extended presidential term-limits – he is effectively excluded from benefiting from such amendments.
Only his successor can reap the fruits!
Maybe I am missing something, but there is absolutely no logic behind all this hullabaloo over Mnangagwa’s plans to remove term limits.
I am definitely not saying he has no such intentions.
However, surely how does he expect this to benefit him?
Unless, of course, as has become typical of this regime, he plans to blatantly ignore this most critical aspect of the Constitution.
Is this not what transpired in 2021, when the ZANU PF regime extended the retirement age [section 186 (1)(a)] of serving court judges from 70 to 75 years, as long as he or she still had the ‘mental and physical fitness to continue in the office’?
This was widely viewed as an attempt to benefit sitting Chief Justice Luke Malaba – whom many Zimbabwean believed Mnangagwa needed to preside over any challenge to presidential election results in 2023.
As with the presidential term limits, Malaba was not eligible to benefit from this extension – yet he did!
Nonetheless, the government managed to weasel through this constitutional crisis by claiming that extending the retirement age was not the same as extending the term limit.
Whatever angle one looks at this – the Mnangagwa regime played tricks with the country’s supreme law.
Let us remember that, as already highlighted, this is an administration with no qualms whatsoever in defying or twisting the laws of the country.
Nevertheless, the citizenry should brace themselves for a gruelling Constitution Court challenge in order to prevent Mnangagwa from reaping the rewards of such an amendment.
Source Byo24 news
